| In context you've unlocked the tautology that underpins capitalism. > Pareto inefficiency > almost impossible to know what the “correct” price Yes it's really really hard to price things, but the market itself is Pareto inefficient unless you labor under the axiom that the market price is the "correct" price, which it cannot actually be. > market distortions Why is this a bad thing? > they aren’t a scalable solution to anything Do you believe in UBI or that UBI is scalable? That's a price control. Again every public transportation system in the world is price controlled, market distorted, and Pareto inefficient. So they are a scalable solution to providing a public service of regional/urban travel. > Also, it’s almost impossible to know what the “correct” price of a good should be because the factors that determine that are part of a very complex network. Most companies that are not trying to grow and are trying to turn a profit literally have prices that not only take into account the cost of the good but marginal profit on a unit basis. This chain goes all the way back to digging out the raw materials from the earth. Your entire "complex" network of calculations is done there. Why can it not be done elsewhere? |
> the market itself is Pareto inefficient unless you labor under the axiom that the market price is the "correct" price
This mischaracterizes my original argument. I don't think anyone who is serious believes that real-world markets establish optimal prices. Perfection isn't relevant: the question is whether markets perform better than government planning, and fortunately we don't have to speculate on that question. Resoundingly, the historical record shows that central planning reduces the total amount of wealth available to be distributed.
> Why [are market distortions] a bad thing?
An example might be useful. Consider when California capped retail electricity prices in 2000. Even though this was far from a competitive market to begin with, the result was predictable: shortages. The price caps reduced utilities' incentive to expand production, and simultaneously increased consumers' incentive to use electricity. (There were other factors involved in this debacle, but the price caps were a key feature.)
> This chain goes all the way back to digging out the raw materials from the earth. Your entire "complex" network of calculations is done there. Why can it not be done elsewhere?
I think you have to broaden your field of view on this a bit to appreciate the problem. You're only considering the perspective of a single supplier in a single market, in isolation. In reality, there is a complex equilibrium that results not only from the forces acting inside a market, but also from the forces exerted by other markets.
Suppose you're a pencil manufacturer. Of course you can calculate some output price for your pencils that reflects costs + some profit margin. However, we don't know if that output price will incentivize good pencil-purchasing behavior. Perhaps you're the only seller of pencils worldwide, and the price is too low. In this case, people who don't really value pencils buy them anyway, and your inventory is depleted. Now, pencils are sitting unused in random drawers, while there are art classes that have to be canceled because the students can't get the supplies they need. (You've mentioned a need to control distribution, but haven't suggested a way for these distributive decisions to be made.)
Consider also that graphite is an input price. How much should that cost? It's useful for making pencils, but it's also used in nuclear reactors and lithium-ion batteries. If the Department of Homeland Prices is going to choose a good price for graphite, they're going to need to decide how many pencils the world needs, how many nuclear reactors, and how many lithium-ion batteries. Of course, those items feed into other items...