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by verdverm
911 days ago
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The Amendment (and argument) at the core of this is the 14th amendment, as was passed at the end of the civil war. Section 3, "the sedition clause" was largely enacted to prevent the leaders of the south and the rebellion from holding office ever again. This is part of the argument the lawyers supporting the ban draw on. That when they wrote the law, the discussions about it, and how they used the words in 1868, most certainly sought to include the office of the president from those positions that a person, if found guilt of breaking their oath to uphold the constitution, in the list of offices and similar roles that said person would never again be allowed to hold. Jefferson Davis, as the president of the Confederacy, was denied the right to ever hold an office again. At the time, there would have been broad support among a subset of states to elect Davis to President were he allowed to do so. So, yes, there is a similar example were many people deprived of voting for their popular choice for President. I'm watching the actual proceedings, It's pretty interesting so far. I keep getting distracted and looking things up for more context, so I've only seen one side's arguments so far. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Cz4ZqwrsipA |
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1. Is the President included or excluded from 14.3?
2. Does the state have the jurisdiction and/or right to determine if Trump is disqualified for certain actions while in office?
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I think the answer to Q1 is yes, the President is most certainly covered in the language that bars oath breakers from holding office again. SCOTUS, as part of the judicial branch, is similar in that it is not called out explicitly, and umbrella'd under the term "office" like the executive branch. Those positions explicitly called out are not typically referred to as holding offices (senators/reps, electors of Pres/VP)
Q2, I don't know
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After reading the Judges' opinions it seems (https://www.courts.state.co.us/userfiles/file/Court_Probatio...)
1. There is consensus among both sides that 14.3 does in fact include the President (good, thank you)
2. Question 2 can boil down to due process. Dissenters point out, Trump has not been convicted of insurrection yet, and due process ought to apply when using insurrection to disqualify given the complexity of the question and the gravity of the issue. The majority opinion confirms the lower courts admission of the evidence and their decision that Trump did engage in insurrection.
I find it surprising that the lower court found that Trump engaged in insurrection but denied the ban on the premise that 14.3 doesn't cover the president.