|
|
|
|
|
by hkhanna
1055 days ago
|
|
I've long felt that our public institutions should roughly reflect the racial and gender makeup of the country. But sometimes I think about what it would mean if we had, say, all the members of a public institution like the Senate be black or women or another historically underrepresented community. Looked at in a snapshot in time, it would be unrepresentative. After all, there are plenty of men and plenty of white people in this country. But are we trying to make the number of seats in an institution representative? Or are we trying to make the number of seat-years representative, i.e., integrate over the dimension of time as well as seats. When you consider the temporal dimension, even a fully black Senate or all-woman Senate would be still fall far short of offering those demographics fair representation when optimizing for seat-years. It would take at least 50 years or so of domination by those demographics before things start to even out. Personally, I find this framing helpful when considering what it means for public institutions to be representative, and why I am supportive of efforts to make it more so. |
|
How do you reconcile that with democracy? Consider gender for example. My mom has a strong preference for male elected officials. She’s no bumpkin—she has a master’s degree in chemistry. She simply embraces that aspect of traditional gender roles. This isn’t an uncommon view—women make up the majority of voters nearly everywhere, but most legislators are still men.
Is it democratic to tell these women that they’re wrong, and to impose a scheme of gender balancing that overrides their individual voting preferences?
Also, isn’t there an underlying contradiction in your position? In your view, is an Asian person fungible with a white person? If not—if you think an Asian maybe might bring an “Asian perspective” to the job, or give special attention to “Asian issues”—why isn’t it appropriate for a white majority district to prefer a white person to represent them?