| They also look at South Korea. However, that doesn't really matter. Sweden is a counter-example because lockdown theory doesn't posit any sort of Swedish exception, so the existence of this place alone disproves the models. Going further or using longer term data is good, but strictly speaking unnecessary. Also, you're claiming that there was some sort of "big spike" in Swedish cases and that this would change the conclusions. It might do but if Sweden did anything since January it would have been tightening restrictions - around Christmas the international pressure got to their leaders and they started to get tougher, not laxer. So it would be hard to say that this would invalidate the conclusions. At any rate, lockdowns weren't justified on the basis of PCR positive results, they were justified on the grounds of deaths. Swedish death curves are the same as other countries that did hard lockdowns and there has been no big Swedish spike: https://ourworldindata.org/explorers/coronavirus-data-explor... This is important because for Sweden the models predicted predicted ~90,000 deaths from COVID alone, there were 98,000 deaths in total from all causes in 2020. That's clearly a huge miss. Like the other anti-lockdown papers I've spot checked, I'm not impressed. And of the papers arguing lockdowns work, they're all free of methodology errors in your view? Because that's definitely not what I've seen. The thing with lockdowns is, it's ultimately very simple. You don't actually need any complex analysis to see the truth. You can just look at the predictions and then go to ourworldindata for the reported curves. You should see huge sudden drops or surges when lockdowns and mask mandates are imposed or released, and it should be visible in all the countries that made changes. Additionally countries that did nothing should be have dramatically bigger curves than those that did lots. You can't see anything like that in the data. |
"Lockdown theory" doesn't posit an absence of lockdown variables. Perhaps the straw man you would like to imagine does, but it's alone in this regard. A "Swedish exception" doesn't disprove "lockdown theory" any more than a lottery winner disproves the idea that earning money is generally hard work.
> you're claiming that there was some sort of "big spike" in Swedish cases
> around Christmas the international pressure got to their leaders and they started to get tougher, not laxer Looks like it worked.> And of the papers arguing lockdowns work, they're all free of methodology errors in your view?
I've spot checked a couple and the quality of the analysis was considerably higher. They generally rested on much sturdier statistics, like estimating effect size of policy interventions on R, which don't rely on cherry picking pre-spike Swedish data.
> You should see huge sudden drops or surges when lockdowns and mask mandates are imposed or released
No, you would expect to see hard-fought dips in R after major interventions. Booms and crashes will act as a threshold on integrated R because such is the nature of exponential growth.
To be clear, these interventions frequently lead policy -- they can come from other countries, they can happen through policy of major institutions, ad campaigns, even distribution of news stories regarding other countries. Also, policy lags and suffers from inefficacy from people ignoring and even fight mandates, and this particular brand of inefficacy should be factored out for normative purposes. All of this dampens the effect and spreads it out in time. You would expect the dips in R to be messy but measurable given generous windows, and they are.
More than that, virus transmission isn't a cosmic mystery. We know exactly how it happens and the mechanism by which lockdowns impact its transmission is so straightforward that even medieval plague doctors were able to get it correct. The "lockdowns are ineffective" hypothesis needs some serious magical thinking even before you start cherry-picking data and ignoring confounding variables. It seems like an odd hill to die on.