|
|
|
|
|
by ajzinsbwbs
2146 days ago
|
|
Your link shows the ratio decreasing from 16.97% to 16.16% in 2018 when the bill went into effect. That’s a 5% decrease, which agrees with my above math. Overall your chart shows the ratio has a range of 19.75% to 14.42% in the past 20 years, tracking changes to the tax code and business cycle, exactly in the way you’d expect. That’s a 36% difference between the min and max ie. not flat. I think lawmakers supporting tax cuts try to claim that tax revenues are not sensitive to tax rates because it would be convenient if true when trying to pass a tax cut. The facts don’t bear it out, however. I think the roots of this argument are in the theory of the Laffer Curve: https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Laffer_curve
The Laffer Curve was used to argue for tax cuts when the top marginal rate was 70%. People are still trying to make this argument, but I think they missed the part where it’s supposed to be a curve, so the result of cutting taxes from 70% is not the same as cutting them from 35%. |
|
> I think lawmakers supporting tax cuts try to claim that tax revenues are not sensitive to tax rates because it would be convenient if true when trying to pass a tax cut.
The point of the chart going back to WW2 is to show that it's a little more complicated and we can't draw conclusions either way.
And circling back to the original point of contention, spending is not function of GDP, or in theory it shouldn't be. Spending is a function of population. So if federal tax revenue increases even after a tax cut, but deficit increases, then the culprit isn't necessarily the tax cut, the culprit is the spending increase.